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By:
The Majlis
PO Box 3393
Port Elizabeth
6056, South Africa
“STAINED IN GAZA‟S BLOOD”
2
GAZA
THE WESTERN MEDIA’S HANDS ARE
STAINED IN GAZA’S BLOOD.
BY
JONATHAN COOK
ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Jonathan Cook is the author of three books on the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and a winner of the Martha
Gellhorn Special Prize for Journalism. His website and
blog can be found at www.jonathan-cook.net
HOW THE WESTERN MEDIA HELPED
BUILD THE CASE FOR GENOCIDE IN GAZA
“From obscuring the West‟s role in starving Gaza to
sensationalised accounts of mass rape by Hamas,
journalists are playing the role of propagandists, not
reporters.”
Israel has reduced Gaza to ruins. The past five months
have been clarifying. What was supposed to be hidden has
been thrust into the light. What was supposed to be
obscured has come sharply into focus.
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Liberal democracy is not what it seems. It has always
defined itself in contrast to what it says it is not. Whereas
other regimes are savage, it is humanitarian. Whereas
others are authoritarian, it is open and tolerant. Whereas
others are criminal, it is law-abiding. When others are
belligerent, it seeks peace. Or so the manuals of liberal
democracy argue.
But how to keep the faith when the world‟s leading liberal
democracies – invariably referred to as “the West” – are
complicit in the crime of crimes: genocide? Not just law-
breaking or a misdemeanour, but the extermination of a
people.
And not just quickly, before the mind has time to absorb
and weigh the gravity and extent of the crime, but in slow
motion, day after day, week after week, month after
month.
What kind of system of values can allow for five months
the crushing of children under rubble, the detonation of
fragile bodies, the wasting away of babies, while still
claiming to be humanitarian, tolerant, peace-seeking? And
not just allow all this, but actively assist in it.
Supply the bombs that blow those children to pieces or
bring houses down on them, and sever ties to the only aid
agency that can hope to keep them alive. The answer, it
seems, is the West‟s system of values. The mask has not
just slipped, it has been ripped off. What lies beneath is
ugly indeed.
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Depravity on show
The West is desperately trying to cope. When Western
depravity is fully on show, the public‟s gaze has to be
firmly directed elsewhere: to the truly evil ones. They are
given a name.
It is Russia. It is Al Qaeda, and Islamic State. It is
China. And right now, it is Hamas. There must be an
enemy.
But this time, the West‟s own evil is so hard to disguise,
and the enemy so paltry – a few thousand fighters
underground inside a prison besieged for 17 years – that
the asymmetry is difficult to ignore. The excuses are hard
to swallow.
Is Hamas really so evil, so cunning, so much of a threat
that it requires mass slaughter? Does the West really
believe that the attack of 7 October warrants the killing,
maiming and orphaning of many, many tens of thousands
of children as a response?
To stamp out such thoughts, Western elites have had to do
two things. First, they have tried to persuade their publics
that the acts they collude in are not as bad as they look and
that the evil perpetrated by the enemy is so exceptional, so
unconscionable it justifies a response in kind, and which is
exactly the role Western media has played over the past
five months.
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Starved by Israel
To
understand
how
Western
publics
are
being
manipulated, just look to the coverage – especially from
those outlets most closely aligned not with the right but
with supposedly liberal values.
How have the media dealt with the 2.3 million Palestinians
of Gaza being gradually starved to death by an Israeli aid
blockade, an action that lacks any obvious military
purpose beyond inflicting a savage vengeance on
Palestinian civilians?
After all, Hamas fighters will outlast the young, the sick
and the elderly in any mediaeval-style, attritional war
denying Gaza food, water and medicines.
A headline in the New York Times, for example, told
readers last month, “Starvation is stalking Gaza‟s
children”, as if this were a famine in Africa – a natural
disaster, or an unexpected humanitarian catastrophe –
rather than a policy declared in advance and carefully
orchestrated by Israel‟s top echelons.
The Financial Times offered the same perverse framing:
“Starvation stalks children of northern Gaza”. But
starvation is not an actor in Gaza. Israel is. Israel is
choosing to starve Gaza‟s children. It renews that policy
each day afresh, fully aware of the terrible price being
inflicted on the population.
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As the head of Medical Aid for Palestinians warned of
developments in Gaza:
“Children are being starved at the fastest rate the world
has ever seen.”
Last week Unicef, the United Nations children‟s
emergency fund, declared that a third of children aged
under two in northern Gaza were acutely malnourished.
Its executive director, Catherine Russell, was clear: “An
immediate humanitarian cease-fire continues to provide
the only chance to save children‟s lives and end their
suffering.”
Were it really starvation doing the stalking, rather than
Israel imposing starvation, the West‟s powerlessness
would be more understandable. Which is what the media
presumably want their readers to infer.
But the West isn‟t powerless. It is enabling this crime
against humanity – day after day, week after week – by
refusing to exert its power to punish Israel, or even to
threaten to punish it, for blocking aid.
Not only that, but the US and Europe have helped Israel
starve Gaza‟s children by denying funding to the UN
refugee agency, UNRWA, the main humanitarian lifeline
in the enclave.
All of this is obscured – meant to be obscured – by
headlines that transfer the agency for starving children to
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an abstract noun rather than a country with a large,
vengeful army.
Attack on aid convoy
Such misdirection is everywhere – and it is entirely
intentional. It is a playbook being used by every single
Western media outlet. It was all too visible when an aid
convoy last month reached Gaza City, where levels of
Israeli-induced famine are most extreme.
In what has come to be known by Palestinians as the
“Flour Massacre”,
Israel shot into large crowds
desperately trying to get food parcels from a rare aid
convoy to feed their starving families.
More than 100 Palestinians were killed by the gunfire, or
crushed by Israeli tanks or hit by trucks fleeing the scene.
Many hundreds more were seriously wounded.
It was an Israeli war crime – shooting on civilians – that
came on top of an Israeli crime against humanity –
starving two million civilians to death.
“The Israeli attack on those waiting for aid was not a
one-off”
The Israeli attack on those waiting for aid was not a one-
off. It has been repeated several times, though you would
barely know it, given the paucity of coverage.
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The depravity of using aid convoys as traps to lure
Palestinians to their deaths is almost too much to grasp.
But that is not the reason the headlines that greeted this
horrifying incident so uniformly obscured or soft-soaped
Israel‟s crime.
For any journalist, the headline should have written itself:
“Israel accused of killing over 100 as crowd waits for
Gaza aid.” Or: “Israel fires into food aid crowd.
Hundreds killed and injured”
But that would have accurately transferred agency to Israel
– Gaza‟s occupier for more than half a century, and its
besieger for the last 17 years – in the deaths of those it has
been occupying and besieging. Something inconceivable
for the Western media. So the focus had to be shifted
elsewhere.
BBC contortions
The Guardian‟s contortions were particularly spectacular:
“Biden says Gaza food aid-related deaths complicate
ceasefire talks”.
The massacre by Israel was disappeared as mysterious
“food aid-related deaths”, which in turn became secondary
to the Guardian‟s focus on the diplomatic fallout.
Readers were steered by the headline into assuming that
the true victims were not the hundreds of Palestinians
killed and maimed by Israel but the Israeli hostages whose
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chances of being freed had been “complicated” by “food
aid-related deaths”.
The headline on a BBC analysis of the same war crime –
now reframed as an author-less “tragedy” – repeated the
New York Times‟ trick: “Aid convoy tragedy shows fear
of starvation haunts Gaza”.
Another favourite manoeuvre, again pioneered by the
Guardian, was to cloud responsibility for a clear-cut war
crime. Its front-page headline read: “More than 100
Palestinians die in chaos surrounding Gaza aid convoy”.
“The massacre by Israel was disappeared as mysterious
„food aid-related deaths'”
Once again, Israel was removed from the crime scene. In
fact, worse, the crime scene was removed too. Palestinians
“died” apparently because of poor aid management.
Maybe UNRWA was to blame.
Chaos and confusion became useful refrains for media
outlets keener to shroud culpability. The Washington Post
declared: “Chaotic aid delivery turns deadly as Israeli,
Gazan officials trade blame”. CNN took the same line,
downgrading a war crime to a “chaotic incident”.
But even these failings were better than the media‟s
rapidly
waning
interest
as
Israel‟s
massacres
of
Palestinians seeking aid became routine – and therefore
harder to mystify.
“STAINED IN GAZA‟S BLOOD”
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A few days after the Flour Massacre, an Israeli air strike
on an aid truck in Deir al-Balah killed at least nine
Palestinians, while last week more than 20 hungry
Palestinians were killed by Israeli helicopter gunfire as
they waited for aid.
“Food aid-related” massacres – which had quickly become
as normalised as Israel‟s invasions of hospitals – no longer
merited serious attention. A search suggests the BBC
managed to avoid giving significant coverage to either
incident online.
Food-drop theatrics
Meanwhile, the media has ably assisted Washington in its
various deflections from the collaborative crime against
humanity of Israel imposing a famine on Gaza
compounded by the US and Europe de-funding UNRWA,
the only agency that could mitigate that famine.
British and US broadcasters excitedly joined air crews as
their militaries flew big-bellied planes over Gaza‟s
beaches, at great expense, to drop one-off ready-made
meals to a few of the starving Palestinians below.
Given that many hundreds of truckloads of aid a day are
needed just to stop Gaza sliding deeper into famine, the
drops were no more than theatrics. Each delivered at best a
solitary truckload of aid – and then only if the palettes
didn‟t end up falling into the sea, or killing the
Palestinians they were meant to benefit.
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The operation deserved little more than ridicule.
Instead, dramatic visuals of heroic airmen, interspersed
with expressions of concern about the difficulties of
addressing the “humanitarian crisis” in Gaza, usefully
distracted viewers‟ attention not only from the operations‟
futility but from the fact that, were the West really
determined to help, it could strong-arm Israel into letting
in far more plentiful aid by land at a moment‟s notice.
The media were equally swept up by the Biden
administration‟s second, even more outlandish scheme to
help starving Palestinians. The US is to build a temporary
floating pier off Gaza‟s coast so that aid shipments can be
delivered from Cyprus.
The plot holes were gaping
The pier will take two months or more to construct, when
the aid is needed now. In Cyprus, as at the land crossings
into Gaza, Israel will be in charge of inspections – the
main cause of hold-ups.
And if the US now thinks Gaza needs a port, why not also
get to work on a more permanent one? The answer, of
course, might remind audiences of the situation before 7
October, when Gaza was under a stifling 17-year siege by
Israel – the context for Hamas‟ attack that the Western
media never quite finds the space to mention.
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For decades, Israel has denied Gaza any connections to the
outside world it cannot control, including preventing a sea
port from being built and bombing the enclave‟s only
airport way back in 2001, shortly after it was opened.
And yet, at the same time, Israel‟s insistence that it no
longer occupies Gaza – just because it has done so at
arm‟s length since 2005 – is accepted unquestioningly in
media coverage.
Again, the US has decisive leverage over Israel, its client
state, should it decide to exercise it – not least billions in
aid and the diplomatic veto it wields so regularly on
Israel‟s behalf.
The question that needs asking by the media on every
piece about “starvation stalking Gaza” is why is the US
not using that leverage.
In a typical breathless piece titled “How the US military
plans to construct a pier and get food into Gaza”, the
BBC ignored the big picture to drill down enthusiastically
on the details of “huge logistical” and “security
challenges” facing Biden‟s project.
The article revisited precedents from disaster relief
operations in Somalia and Haiti to the D-Day Normandy
landings in the Second World War.
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Credulous journalists
In support of these diversionary tactics, the media have
also had to accentuate the atrocities of Hamas‟ 7 October
attack – and the need to condemn the group at every turn –
to contrast those crimes from what might otherwise appear
even worse atrocities committed by Israel on the
Palestinians.
That has required an unusually large dose of credulousness
from journalists who more usually present as hard-bitten
sceptics.
Babies being beheaded, or put in ovens, or hung out on
clothes lines. No invented outrage by Hamas has been too
improbable to have been denied front-page treatment, only
to be quietly dropped later when each has turned out to be
just as fabricated as it should have sounded to any reporter
familiar with the way propagandists exploit the fog of war.
Similarly, the entire Western press corps has studiously
ignored months of Israeli media revelations that have
gradually shifted responsibility for some of the most
gruesome incidents of 7 October – such as the burning of
hundreds of bodies – off Hamas‟ shoulders and on to
Israel‟s.
Though Western media outlets failed to note the
significance of his remarks, Israeli spokesman Mark
Regev admitted that Israel‟s numbering of its dead from 7
October had to be reduced by 200 because many of the
badly charred remains turned out to be Hamas fighters.
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Testimonies from Israeli commanders and officials show
that, blindsided by the Hamas attack, Israeli forces struck
out wildly with tank shells and Hellfire missiles,
incinerating Hamas fighters and their Israeli captives
indiscriminately. The burnt cars piled up as a visual
signifier of Hamas‟ sadism are, in fact, evidence of, at
best, Israel‟s incompetence and, at worst, its savagery.
The secret military protocol that directed Israel‟s
scorched-earth policy on 7 October – the notorious
Hannibal procedure to stop any Israeli being taken captive
– appears not to have merited mention by either the
Guardian or the BBC in their acres of 7 October coverage.
Despite their endless revisiting of the 7 October events,
neither has seen fit to report on the growing demands from
Israeli families for an investigation into whether their
loved ones were killed under Israel‟s Hannibal procedure.
Nor have either the BBC or the Guardian reported on the
comments of the Israeli military‟s ethics chief, Prof Asa
Kasher, bewailing the army‟s resort to the Hannibal
procedure on 7 October as “horrifying” and “unlawful”.
Claims of bestiality
Instead, liberal Western media outlets have repeatedly
revisited claims that they have seen evidence – evidence
they seem unwilling to share – that Hamas ordered rape to
be used systematically by its fighters as a weapon of war.
The barely veiled implication is that such depths of
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15
depravity explain, and possibly justify, the scale and
savagery of Israel‟s response.
Note that this claim is quite different from the argument
that there may have been instances of rape on 7 October.
That is for good reason: There are plenty of indications
that Israeli soldiers regularly use rape and sexual violence
against Palestinians.
A UN report in February addressing allegations that Israeli
soldiers and officials had weaponised sexual violence
against Palestinian women and girls since 7 October
elicited none of the headlines and outrage from the
Western media directed at Hamas.
To make a plausible case that Hamas changed the rules of
war that day, much greater deviance and sinfulness has
been required. And the liberal Western media have
willingly played their part by recycling claims of mass,
systematic rape by Hamas, combined with lurid claims of
necrophilic perversions – while suggesting anyone who
asks for evidence is condoning such bestiality.
But the liberal media‟s claims of Hamas “mass rapes” –
initiated by an agenda-setting piece by the New York
Times and closely echoed by the Guardian weeks later –
have crumbled on closer inspection.
Independent outlets such as Mondoweiss, Electronic
Intifada, the Grayzone and others have gradually pulled
apart the Hamas mass rape narrative.
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But perhaps most damaging of all has been an
investigation by the Intercept that revealed it was senior
Times editors who recruited a novice Israeli journalist – a
former Israeli intelligence official with a history of
supporting genocidal statements against the people of
Gaza – to do the field work.
More shocking still, it was the paper‟s editors who then
pressured her to find the story. In violation of investigative
norms, the narrative was reverse engineered: imposed
from the top, not found through on-the-ground reporting.
‘Conspiracy of silence’
The New York Times‟ story appeared in late December
under the headline „Screams Without Words‟: How Hamas
Weaponized Sexual Violence on Oct. 7”.
The Guardian‟s follow-up in mid-January draws so closely
on the Times‟ reporting that the paper has been accused of
plagiarism. Its headline was: “Evidence points to
systematic use of rape and sexual violence by Hamas in 7
October attacks”.
However, under questioning from the Intercept, a
spokesperson for the New York Times readily walked
back the paper‟s original certainty, conceding instead that
“there may have been systematic use of sexual assault.”
[emphasis added] Even that appears too strong a
conclusion.
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Holes in the Times reporting quickly proved so glaring
that its popular daily podcast pulled the plug on an episode
dedicated to the story after its own fact check.
The rookie reporter assigned to the task, Anat Schwartz,
has admitted that despite scouring the relevant institutions
in Israel – from medical institutions to rape crisis centres –
she found no one who could confirm a single example of
sexual assault that day. She was also unable to find any
forensic corroboration.
She later told a podcast with Israel‟s Channel 12 that she
viewed the lack of evidence to be proof of “a conspiracy
of silence”.
Instead, Schwartz‟s reporting relied on a handful of
testimonies from witnesses whose other easily disprovable
assertions should have called into question their
credibility. Worse, their accounts of instances of sexual
assault failed to tally with the known facts.
One paramedic, for example, claimed two teenage girls
had been raped and killed at Kibbutz Nahal Oz. When it
became clear nobody fitted the description there, he
changed the crime scene to Kibbutz Beeri. None of the
dead there fitted the description either.
Nonetheless, Schwartz believed she finally had her story.
She told Channel 12: “One person saw it happen in Be‟eri,
so it can‟t be just one person, because it‟s two girls. It‟s
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sisters. It‟s in the room. Something about it is systematic,
something about it feels to me that it‟s not random.”
Schwartz got further confirmation from Zaka, a private
ultra-Orthodox rescue organisation, whose officials were
already known to have fabricated Hamas atrocities on 7
October, including the various claims of depraved acts
against babies.
No forensic evidence
Interestingly, though the main claims of Hamas rape have
focused on the Nova music festival attacked by Hamas,
Schwartz was initially sceptical – and for good reason –
that it was the site of any sexual violence.
As Israeli reporting has revealed, the festival quickly
turned into a battlefield, with Israeli security guards and
Hamas exchanging gunfire and Israeli attack helicopters
circling overhead firing at anything that moved.
Schwartz concluded:
“Everyone I spoke to among the survivors told me about a
chase, a race, like, about moving from place to place. How
would they [have had the time] to mess with a woman,
like – it is impossible. Either you hide, or you – or you die.
Also it‟s public, the Nova … such an open space.”
But Schwartz dropped her scepticism as soon as Raz
Cohen, a veteran of Israel‟s special forces, agreed to speak
to her. He had already claimed in earlier interviews a few
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days after 7 October that he had witnessed multiple rapes
at Nova, including corpses being raped.
But when he spoke to Schwartz he could only recall one
incident – a horrific attack that involved raping a woman
and then knifing her to death.
Undermining the New York Times‟ central claim, he
attributed the rape not to Hamas but to five civilians,
Palestinians who poured into Israel after Hamas fighters
broke through the fence around Gaza.
Notably, Schwartz admitted to Channel 12 that none of the
other four people hiding in the bush with Cohen saw the
attack. “Everyone else is looking in a different direction,”
she said. And yet in the Times‟ story, Cohen‟s account is
corroborated by Shoam Gueta, a friend who has since
deployed to Gaza where, as the Intercept notes, he has
been posting videos of himself rummaging through
destroyed Palestinian homes.
Another witness, identified only as Sapir, is quoted by
Schwartz as witnessing a woman being raped at Nova at
the same time as her breast is amputated with a box cutter.
That account became central to the Guardian‟s follow-up
report in January.
Yet, no forensic evidence has been produced to support
this account.
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Story invented
But the most damning criticism of the Times‟ reporting
came from the family of Gal Abdush, the headline victim
in the “Screams without Words” story. Her parents and
brother accused the New York Times of inventing the
story that she had been raped at the Nova festival.
Moments before she was killed by a grenade, Abdush had
messaged her family and made no mention of a rape or
even a direct attack on her group. The family had heard no
suggestion that rape was a factor in Abdush‟s death.
A woman who had given the paper access to photos and
video of Abdush taken that day said Schwartz had
pressured her to do so on the grounds it would help
“Israeli hasbara” – a term meaning propaganda designed to
sway foreign audiences.
Schwartz cited the Israeli welfare ministry as claiming
there were four survivors of sexual assault from 7 October,
though no more details have been forthcoming from the
ministry.
Back in early December, before the Times story, Israeli
officials promised they had “gathered „tens of thousands‟
of testimonies of sexual violence committed by Hamas”.
None of those testimonies has materialised.
None ever will, according to Schwartz‟s conversation with
Channel 12. “There is nothing. There was no collection of
evidence from the scene,” she said.
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Nonetheless, Israeli officials continue to use the reports by
the New York Times, the Guardian and others to try to
bully major human rights bodies into agreeing that Hamas
used sexual violence systematically. Which may explain
why the media eagerly seized on the chance to resurrect its
threadbare narrative when UN official Pramila Patten, its
special representative on sexual violence in conflict,
echoed some of their discredited claims in a report
published this month.
The media happily ignored the fact that Patten had no
investigative mandate and that she heads what is in effect
an advocacy group inside the UN. While Israel has
obstructed UN bodies that do have such investigative
powers, it welcomed Patten, presumably on the
assumption that she would be more pliable.
In fact, she did little more than repeat the same
unevidenced claims from Israel that formed the basis of
the Times and Guardian‟s discredited reporting.
Statements retracted
Even so, Patten included important caveats in the small
print of her report that the media were keen to overlook.
At a press conference, she reiterated that she had seen no
evidence of a pattern of behaviour by Hamas, or of the use
of rape as a weapon of war – the very claims the Western
media had been stressing for weeks.
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She concluded in the report that she was unable to
“establish the prevalence of sexual violence”. And further,
she conceded it was not clear if any sexual violence
occurring on 7 October was the responsibility of Hamas,
or other groups or individuals.
All of that was ignored by the media. In typical fashion, a
Guardian article on her report asserted wrongly in its
headline: “UN finds „convincing information‟ that Hamas
raped and tortured Israeli hostages”
Patten‟s primary source of information, she conceded,
were Israeli “national institutions” – state officials who
had every incentive to mislead her in the furtherance of the
country‟s war aims, as they had earlier done with a
compliant media.
As the US Jewish scholar Normal Finkelstein has pointed
out, Patten also relied on open-source material: 5,000
photos and 50 hours of video footage from bodycams,
dashcams, cellphones, CCTV and traffic surveillance
cameras. And yet that visual evidence yielded not a single
image of sexual violence. Or as Patten phrased it: “No
tangible indications of rape could be identified.”
She admitted she had seen no forensic evidence of sexual
violence, and had not met a single survivor of rape or
sexual assault. And she noted that the witnesses and
sources her team spoke to – the same individuals the
media had relied on – proved unreliable.
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They “adopted over time an increasingly cautious and
circumspect approach regarding past accounts, including
in some cases retracting statements made previously”
Collusion in genocide
If anything has been found to be systematic, it is the
failings in the Western media‟s coverage of a plausible
genocide unfolding in Gaza.
Last week a computational analysis of the New York
Times‟ reporting revealed it continued to focus heavily on
Israeli perspectives, even as the death-toll ratio showed
that 30 times as many Palestinians had been killed by
Israel in Gaza than Hamas had killed Israelis on 7 October.
The paper quoted Israelis and Americans many times more
regularly than they did Palestinians, and when Palestinians
were referred to it was invariably in the passive voice.
In Britain, the Muslim Council of Britain‟s Centre for
Media Monitoring has analysed nearly 177,000 clips from
TV broadcasts covering the first month after the 7 October
attack. It found Israeli perspectives were three times more
common than Palestinian ones.
A similar study by the Glasgow Media Group found that
journalists regularly used condemnatory language for the
killing of Israelis – “murderous”, “mass murder”, “brutal
murder” and “merciless murder” – but never when
Palestinians were being killed by Israel.
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“Massacres”, “atrocities” and “slaughter” were only ever
carried out against Israelis, not against Palestinians.
Faced with a plausible case of genocide – one being
televised for months on end – even the liberal elements of
the Western media have shown they have no serious
commitment to the liberal democratic values they are
supposedly there to uphold.
They are not a watchdog on power, either the power of the
Israeli military or Western states colluding in Israel‟s
slaughter. Rather the media are central to making the
collusion possible. They are there to disguise and
whitewash it, to make it look acceptable.
Indeed, the truth is that, without that help, Israel‟s allies
would long ago have been shamed into action, into
stopping the slaughter and starvation. The Western
media‟s hands are stained in Gaza‟s blood.